Since the election of the Trumpuppet in Chief, Steve Bannon's theocratic, white nationalist populism is the ruling agenda. And the basis of our national security strategy. Willing sycophants line up in the hallways of the White-As-Hell house to flatter the leader while pushing forward the dreams of the fundamentalist Christians. It's a travesty to all except the anointed.
The thinking goes like this: to control the males, we need to empower them. Since Bannonites know there is no way to empower unsalaried, white males economically, they resort to the false power of oppression. Enter the Men's Rights Activist movement and the rationalization of rape culture as a tool to keep the male masses from revolt.
As Steven T. Asma points out, religious extremism thrives on toxic masculinity:
The jihadi loser has the ultimate frustration: as he develops through puberty, he acquires some of the most intense emotional drives of the human operating system – in particular, lust – but his culture informs him that his own desire, his own body, and the bodies of women, are impure and require repudiation. That interminable frustration can be channelled into a zealous mission to purify everything in the acid of an imaginary and bogus strain of religion. Male power is thought to be diminished – a kind of purity defilement – from uncontrolled women (the alluring single woman or the infidel) but when a woman is in some ‘appropriate’ state of affiliation (the obedient wife) there is no pollution and the male’s power is increased by his domination of her.
This is not essentially different from the sanctioned sexuality one finds in other Axial age religions, East and West. Indeed, Islam is historically far less concerned with sexual asceticism than Christianity, as the role model of the many-married Muhammad demonstrates by contrast with that of Jesus. Yet the fear and loathing of emancipated female sexuality is a palpable drive within contemporary radical Islam. And the rape cultures of Boko Haram and ISIS represent a further devolution of the ‘controlled female’ fantasy, with rape and slavery sanctified as an act of worship.
Asma contends that the absence of religious basis for these modern extremisms doesn't matter given an "irresistibly tempting psychodynamic for frustrated young men who are easily drafted into a pathological band of brothers". The "terminally frustrated male" finds relief in the "promise of women slaves" and other RedTube-inspired entitlements.
On this view, to quote Joe Herbert, "young men are natural fanatics".
MRA's have long relied on resentment to fuel anti-feminist agendas. By promising a world of free and ready weaponry, by weaponizing resentment, Bannonites empower the rage that has emerged as a national security threat from religious extremists. They do so under the belief that such forces can be harnessed or controlled. As a cis female, I strongly disagree.
The sociologist Jack Katz analyses the criminal mind in Seductions of Crime (1988), pointing out that many murderers see themselves, at least at the moment of slaughter, as righteous avengers. ‘What is the logic of rage,’ Katz asks, ‘such that it can grow so smoothly and quickly from humiliation and lead to righteous slaughter as its perfectly sensible (if only momentarily convincing) end?’ In both cases, the subject has a feeling of impotence or powerlessness. He feels victimised by forces outside himself (in the case of humiliation) and by forces inside himself (in the case of rage). The lone shooter who feels repeatedly humiliated at what he perceives as the visible success of others – the emancipation of women; the social acceptance of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people; the integration of refugees – feels like his very identity is being broken and degraded. Rage promises to retake the situation and correct his perverse moral landscape.
Of course, it helps to keep building the sense of white victimization with talk-radio and rape culture agitprop. Marco Roth traces the history of this movement back to the Civil War:
Racist vigilante groups derived a sense of their legitimacy from the idea that they were defending themselves against lawless blacks and Northern “carpetbaggers.” Their tactics were the perennial tactics of terrorists everywhere: attacks on lines of communication, both railway and telegraph; attacks on schools and teachers who wanted to educate the minority population; night visits to prominent but poorly protected ideological opponents. Cross burning happened later. In those early days, the Klan was likely just to beat a man for twenty minutes with a horse stirrup before either hanging him or agreeing to let him go as a warning to others. More relevant for our more repressed era, they also scored a remarkable PR success with the aid of rehabilitated Southern congressmen, who dismissed reports of white Southern violence as mere “waving the bloody shirt”; that is, as fictions spread by northern “radicals” to incite more civil violence. In a 2008 case study of what he calls “terror after Appomattox” in Mississippi, Georgia, and South Carolina, the historian Stephen Budiansky concludes that the Confederate vigilantes “made a victim of the bully and a bully of the victim, turned the very act of Southern white violence into wounded Southern innocence, turned the very blood of their African American victims into an affront against Southern white decency.”
Writing back in 2010, Roth was prescient enough to draw a line between Sarah Palin's Tea Party and the current white nationalist zen:
This is no longer a culture war, a revolt of stoics against the “culture of complaint,” but something deeper and older that precedes the identity politics movements it aims to subvert. Forty-two years after the Civil Rights Act, white people who still think of themselves predominantly as “white people” want to air their grievances with the aid of a social movement. One half of what passes for American two-party discourse calls now for another rebirth of a nation: the Caucasian States of America, a postmodern ethno-nationalist republic.
The fact that Bannon's angry white men have God on their side should be of particular concern. As Keiryn Darkwater explains, many fundamentalist Christians have been raised to believe they are fighting a war for civilization-- and Mike Pence is their Messiah.
This "Christofascist" movement has been incubating for decades in groups like Operation Rescue, Homeschool Legal Defense Association, Family Research Council and Focus on the Family, just to name a few. Darkwater describes her homeschooled, Christofascist upbringing:
When the Tea Party rose in 2009, that was my culture. The Tea Party was step one. I was laying the groundwork for those elections in 2006. These people didn’t come out of the blue like it seemed. This plan, this Christofascist takeover of the US government, has been in the works for decades. When evangelical conservatism started becoming popular and more mainstream around the 1970s, the foundation was being laid for the tragedy playing out right now.
Christofascists have been wanting someone like Pence in the White House and, until now, didn’t have a way to get one in. They know Trump is easily manipulated and will change his mind with the wind if it makes him feel more powerful and famous. Trump couldn’t care less about policy, a fact he’s made quite obvious. The Right has given a tyrant power and fame; he will do whatever they want him to do in order to keep it. This way they can sneak Pence in on a piggyback while filling Congress with even more evangelical conservative Republicans. Compared to Trump’s abrasive and terrifying behavior, Pence seems much less threatening. This is not the case. Pence has a proven track record of legalizing discrimination and acting against women and marginalized people. Those of us who didn’t leave the far Right are being elected to federal positions or are taking over states and cities. With Pence in office, even the reasonable-seeming incumbents – who have been and are still at the mercy of the Tea Party – are growing more bold in their attempts to further the Christofascist agenda: To Take Back The Country For Christ.
This was the mantra we heard. This was our mission. This is how we were to win: Outbreed, Outvote, Outactivate. Every class, every event, every pastor or guest speaker reiterated this, choosing to risk the 501c3 status of their church to push their agenda. To take back the country for Christ, we needed to outbreed, outvote and outactivate the other side, thus saith The Lord.
I can hear a liberal redneck angel whispering in my ear right now, the warm twang of Trae Crowder....
Of course fools have a right to believe in a Transylvanian anti-Christ that uses the UN to advance Satan's rule of the planet. You have the right to believe rhinoplasty makes you a better person. You have the right to believe women are bitches. You have the right to a quiver-full of whatever you want in your womb. But you don't have a right to plant a seed in mine.
Yes, you have a "right to believe" in the Easter Bunny, but that right does not extend into a right to coerce belief from others. Mark Rowlands explains the difference, a difference that matters because much of the emphasis on religious freedom is actually an emphasis on making public the previously "private" shameful beliefs. The moral majority can't run this country with God on their side-- it turns out they need humans as well. Compliant, obedient humans.
Before we protect Bannon's "right to choose" an appropriately anti-Semitic school for his children, we should ask more questions, including the extent to which Bannon's privileges as a parent include the right to breed stupidity. Or what qualifies an ass to destroy a country. Or why we are sitting around debating the difference when there are airports to occupy and protests to mount.
Other provocative, must-reads:
Claire Landsbaum on the home MRA's have found in Bannon's White-As-Hell house (Huffington Post)
Robert Westbrook on the end of presidential virtue and the age of "virtuous reality" (The Baffler)
Joan Cole on how torture produces fake news-- and leads to wars like the one in Iraq (Truthdig)
Jay Coakley on why sports are a religion in America (Nautilus)
James Q. Whitman on why the Nazis studied American race laws with unbinding interest (Aeon)
Julianne Ross on the 8 biggest lies MRAs spread about women (Mic)